Dr. K. Sitamanikyam
M.A, M.L, Ph.D, LL.D2
In this research paper, distinct facets of conflict management by international organizations are presented in self-contained pieces. IOs are assuming an increasing amount of the responsibility for civil war mediation. This research demonstrates that civil governments display variation in credibility, which explains why some IOs (such as the UN) are able to enforce mediated bargaining agreements. Despite the Cold War ending, regional international roles, like the Soviet Union, have continued to play a vital part in conflict management. Increasing levels of violent conflict need an increase in demand for conflict management. Despite the appearance of having ended interstate wars, the frequency and variety of civil battles has risen concurrently with intrastate wars.
1 Researcher name
2 UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR Dr.B.R.AMBEDKAR COLLEGE OF LAW, ANDHRA UNIVERSITY
International conflict can go beyond civil wars, such as failed or problematic states. Additionally, it tends to cause instability and numerous human losses, which greatly exceeds the death toll from civil wars. Distraction from some sectors and donor fatigue is occurring as many global organizations face these issues. The UN and leading states appear to have ignored countless civil wars and failed states.
.Regional organizations who are unable to ignore civil wars in their midst are presented with a conflict. An international relations question has been whether conflict is properly managed in places wracked by war. The main objective of this paper is to identify and quantify the capacities and efficacy of regional international roles in conflict management, as well as to identify and address the difficulties that confront them as conflict managers in the international system.
Keywords: international organizations, civil war, Cold War, conflict management, International conflict, international relations.
An intrastate war, often known as a civil war, is a struggle between organized factions inside the same country. Civil wars may result in a lot of deaths and deplete a lot of resources. Civil wars have been raging for more than four years on average since the end of World War II, a more than one-and-a-half-year rise from the 1.5-year average between 1900 and 1944. Civil wars appeared in a fairly regular pattern from the mid- nineteenth century until recent conflicts, although they have grown in length, resulting in a higher rate of continuing hostilities at any given moment. Civil wars, on the other hand, were the exception rather than the rule in the first half of the twentieth century, but they grew more prevalent near the conclusion of the Cold War. According to this report, 25 million people have perished and millions more have been displaced as a result of civil conflicts since 1945. As Somalia, Burma (Myanmar), Uganda, and Angola have demonstrated, civil wars have exacerbated economic collapse.
A total of one million individuals have lost their lives in civil conflicts over the last two decades, having a devastating impact on both the social and economic spheres. At the same time, they have also created hundreds of thousands of displaced people who can quickly destabilize nearby countries .These factors are widely accepted as contributors to the onset of civil war: natural resources, politics ,Despite the fact that civil wars are sometimes the consequence of 'naturally occurring' factors or long-term issues, agreement on precise policy prescriptions to avert them remains difficult.
Governments as well as rebels in the civil conflict negotiate with each other to resolve differences and concerns, but the latter's trustworthiness is much more limited. In other words, governments can renege on deals made with rebels once they have disarmed. This puts the rebels in a precarious position. While the ability of IGOs to address causes of bargaining failure is both broadened and expanded to the earlier stages of domestic conflict, where escalation to civil war may be prevented, we argue that such organisations must take earlier steps in conflict resolution as well3.
There is a lot of literature on the role of international organizations in making peace between the parties to the conflict, and the purpose of this study is to examine some of the most important works to draw the hypothesis of this study.
Implementation tools and mechanisms, the most important of which are negotiations, joint instruments between countries to put out civil war: The United Nations, which has historically responded to crises with transient Band-Aid fixes for security-related concerns, may generally be less effective at settling conflict than regional initiatives. The UN has often been involved in negotiating cease-fires and sending peacekeeping forces prior to conflict resolution. After the peacekeeping forces are deployed, the UN has not done much to encourage the adoption of final peace accords.
The UN has only sent peacekeepers and engaged in peacebuilding activities after a peace settlement has been negotiated, but it could have waited until a peace accord was in place. A peace accord, though, might not be in place in time to prevent the loss of hundreds or thousands of lives.
For the states in the region, the effects are even more severe. Regional organisations are probably more concerned with settling the underlying problem since it will have a far greater impact on the states in the region.
Civil wars during the past two decades have claimed over a million lives and had a significant social and economic impact. They have also caused tens of thousands of displaced individuals, who may easily destabilize neighboring nations. Although factors hat are "naturally given" or signify enduring issues can occasionally lead to civil wars, agreement on concrete policy recommendations to stop them has been difficult to come by. Here, agreements are negotiated on two different levels: that of the government and that of the insurgents. Particularly when it comes to keeping their promises, governments have shown themselves to be dependable. Because of the current circumstances, if governments break the agreements they make after the rebels surrender, the rebels will be put in a perilous situation cite evidence to support the idea that the International Criminal Court (ICC) serves as a commitment tool to lessen violence. However, these tactics are employed to lessen the possibility of a new civil conflict. They do not, however, completely avert civil conflicts. However, they do make the case that they are to blame for IGOs' success in overcoming some reasons why negotiating fails. According to this reasoning, IGOs can increase and widen their impact to prevent domestic conflict from escalating into civil war by influencing negotiation failure in the early stages 4.
4Fortna, V. Page (Virginia (2008). Does peacekeeping work? shaping belligerents' choices after civil war. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691136714. OCLC 785583130.
The collective use of armed violence is without a doubt the most prevalent and persistent phenomenon that can be studied in the area of international relations. In general, there aren't many distinctions between social conflict and international conflict. Conflicts of this kind therefore arise from the mutual recognition of opposing or incompatible material interests and beliefs. Second, rather than being very persistent, most social disputes are more dynamic and develop as a result of interactions between and among persons that are displeased with the way things are.
The sole distinguishing factor in social conflict is who is involved. Conflicts have been waged between nations, inside governments, and between groups throughout human history.Third parties play a significant position in societal disputes. Conflict avoidance is not as common (or well-documented) as conflict itself, yet it is just as important to identify and deal with. The effects of these activities are quite important in this. When necessary, efforts to control and manage external armed conflict can result in peace, stability, and even order. In addition, badly planned, inappropriate, hastily timed, or half-hearted attempts at conflict resolution may make matters worse, putting more people at danger, causing more harm, and even killing them. There is little doubt about the stakes given these two probable outcomes, making international conflict management highly risky in the real world.
There are three main ideas that explain this tendency, according to a 2017 research on studies on civil wars: individualistic-greed-based explanations, political- resentment-based explanations, and structural-opportunity-based reasons. A thorough examination indicated that the American Political Science Review article from 2003 by Fearon and Laitin had the greatest impact on the start of the civil war5.
The researcher's research methodology employs the critical analysis technique. A critical analytical approach will be used, evaluating various works of literature, legislation, and regulations as well as offering an overview of the legal context for peacemaking, followed by recommendations for potential reform. The United Nations Organization for the Management of Armed Conflict will carefully analyse the resolutions that have been issued and those that have been passed. This research is based on the analysis of the state of armed conflicts, thus it is important to consider the significance of United Nations laws, paying particular attention to their function in putting an end to civil wars and promoting peace.
There are several views of what "peace" is (or should be), resulting in a multiplicity of groups seeking various ideals of peace. Furthermore, some so-called "anti-war" groups prioritise short-term benefits, whereas international peace movements prioritise long-term gains and forceful government initiatives. It is difficult to distinguish movements and demonstrations that are anti-war in general, such as pacifism, from those that oppose one's own government's participation in a war, such as insubordination. Indeed, some observers feel that a lack of clarity or long-term consistency was a critical component of those wishing to end a conflict, such as the Vietnam War.
At the same time, there are parts of the global peace movement that want to see an end to violence and strive to guarantee that everyone has basic human rights, such as the access to clean air, water, food, shelter, and medical care. Numerous activists argue for social justice in the form of equal legal protection and equal legal opportunity for groups who have historically been denied the ability to participate in the democratic process.In essence, the peace movement believes that people should not wage war on one another, remove ethnic groups who disagree with them, or argue violently over issues such as language, ethnicity, or natural resources. Those who have long been opposed to war preparations are defined largely by their conviction that military might is not synonymous with justice.
Weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear and biological weapons of mass destruction, are a major source of concern for the peace movement. Furthermore, many individuals are opposed to leading industrial nations exporting weapons such as hand-held machine guns and grenades to less developed nations. Some organisations, such as the International Science and Technology Research Institute (SIPRI), are concerned that artificial intelligence, molecular engineering, genetics, and proteomics have even more harmful potential. This convergence of elements of the peace movement with green parties, Greenpeace, and the environmental movement may be observed in the face of converging movements of Neo-Luddites, primitivism, and more mainstream technology opponents, such as Green parties, Greenpeace, and the ecological movement.
When it came to the establishment of Green party political associations near the end of the twentieth century in many democratic nations, it was only one of numerous movements that occurred at the time. 6
A peace movement is a social movement that strives to attain objectives such as the end of a specific war (or all wars), the reduction of inter-human violence in a given place or kind of circumstance, and the abolition of all conflicts. Promoting pacifism, nonviolent resistance, diplomacy, boycotts, peace camps, moral purchasing, supporting anti-war political candidates, legislation to end the government's profit from contracts to the military-industrial complex, banning firearms, supporting whistleblowers who reveal war crimes, and providing open government are some of the methods used to achieve these goals. The political cooperative is an example of an organisation that attempts to bring together all peace movement and environmental groups, all of which have a similar objective of peace and compassionate sustainability, even if their goals differ. Some peace activists are concerned about the difficulties of establishing peace in a world where people opposed to it regularly utilise violence as a form of communication and empowerment.
According to some, the global loose association of activists and political interests has a common aim and hence constitutes a single movement, "the peace movement," or an all- encompassing "anti-war movement." In this view, the two are frequently indistinguishable and form a loose, responsive, event-driven partnership amongst organisations motivated by humanism, ecology, vegetarianism, anti-racism, feminism, decentralization, hospitality (including an aversion to violence), ideology, theology, and faith (including atheism).
Peacemaking is a realistic conflict resolution technique that focuses on building fair power connections strong enough to prevent future conflict. It may also include developing strategies for reaching consensus on ethical judgements within a community or among parties who have previously participated in inappropriate (i.e., violent) responses to disagreement. Peacemaking aims to achieve not just total reconciliation between enemies, but also a variety of additional goals. Mediation, which is employed in many different mediation and negotiation methods, has historically been used to resolve conflicts between parties with the assistance of a third party known as a mediator.
Since the Cold War's end, contemporary international events have frequently associated the idea of peacemaking with the imposition of a peace solution on parties now engaged in open war.
This is frequently accomplished through the use of an international organisation. Rituals have frequently been employed to bring about peace in smaller, more traditional civilizations. Alula Pankhurst, for example, has made videos about the promotion of peace among Ethiopian groups. As a consequence of this, as well as a track record of not supporting violent reactions, it is generally these leaders who are most prepared to arbitrate peace when conflict emerges amongst previously fighting groups in the future7.
Peacemakers are people and organisations who work to bring about peace. They are commonly seen in nations where there has been war, violent conflict, or political instability. They use international law and standards to engage in processes such as negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, and conciliation as part of this process. One goal is to achieve conflict transformation procedures or political institution activity that avoids violent conflict resolution.
Peacemaking may occur on a variety of levels, which are referred to as 'tracks.' In certain circles, "high level" (governmental and international) peacemaking, which involves direct meetings between opposing parties' leaders, is referred to as "Track 1." 8
The word "peacekeeping" refers to efforts that aim to establish conditions conducive to long-term peace. Peacekeeping, in general, reduces the number of civilian and battlefield casualties, as well as the risk of fresh violence, according to studies.
UN peacekeepers monitor and observe post-conflict peace processes, and may assist ex- combatants who have committed to carry out peace treaty responsibilities. There are several sorts of aid available, including confidence-building measures, power- sharing agreements, electoral support, rule-of-law improvements, and economic and social development assistance. Armed troops, police officials, and civilians can all serve as UN peacekeeping forces (also known as Blue Berets or Blue Helmets, due to their light blue berets or helmets).9
Other organisations, including the African Union, the European Union, and others, also send military forces to carry out peacekeeping operations (like the African Union Mission in Sudan). Nonviolent Peaceforce is widely regarded as one of the world's leading non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that focuses on general peacemaking through the employment of non-governmental volunteers or activists (NPF)10.
Peace building is a way of resolving conflict while also altering the conditions that contribute to violence. All of this is centred on the formation of positive interpersonal relationships, as
9 Bara, Corinne; Hultman, Lisa (2020-03-20). "Just Different Hats? Comparing UN and Non-UN Peacekeeping". International Peacekeeping. 0 (3): 341–368. doi:10.1080/13533312.2020.1737023. ISSN 1353-3312.
10 Duffey, Tamara (2000). "Cultural Issues in Contemporary Peacekeeping". International Peacekeeping. 7 (1): 146 –
147. doi:10.1080/13533310008413823. S2CID 145210823.
well as social and political ties that span ethnic, religious, socioeconomic, national, and racial lines. Although violence may be avoided, avoided, or handled, resolving the disagreement is as essential. Prior to, during, and after each violent incident, violence prevention, conflict management, resolution, or transformation, and post-conflict reconciliation or trauma healing all take place.
As a result, peace building is a multidisciplinary, cross-sector technique or method that becomes strategic when used over time and at all levels of society to establish and maintain relationships between people on a local and global scale, resulting in the establishment and maintenance of long-term peace. Strategic peace building initiatives address the underlying or prospective causes of violence, instil a societal expectation of peaceful dispute resolution, and aid in the stabilisation of a society's people' political and economic situations.
Peacebuilding techniques vary depending on the circumstance and the peacebuilding agent. All of these measures are aimed at creating long-term and durable peace, reconciling enemies, avoiding the outbreak of a new conflict, strengthening civil society, and executing rule of law processes. Researchers and practitioners are learning that peace building is most successful and long-lasting when it is founded on local notions of peace as well as the underlying processes that encourage or permit conflict11.
Of fact, the specific definition of "peacebuilding" varies depending on who is speaking. According to some definitions, peacebuilding is focused with post-conflict initiatives, while others define it more broadly to cover a variety of activities. Despite the fact that peacebuilding has remained a mostly nebulous term with no defined standards or aims, all definitions agree that the most essential job of any peacebuilding agreement is to improve human security. Despite the fact that many of the goals of peacebuilding are similar, such as conflict resolution and peacemaking, the practise of peacebuilding is a distinct endeavour. Peacemaking is the process of bringing an ongoing conflict to a conclusion, whereas peacebuilding is the act of preventing a conflict from beginning or ending. Unlike peacebuilding, the idea of peacekeeping is primarily concerned with preventing conflicts from becoming violent again; it does not
11 . Fortna, Virginia (2008). Does Peacekeeping Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choice after the Civil War. Princeton University Press.
aim to address the fundamental causes of violence or accomplish societal reform. Peacekeeping varies from peacebuilding in that it occurs after a conflict has finished rather than before it begins. Some aspects of peacebuilding, such as state formation and socioeconomic growth, are excluded from the notion of conflict resolution.
While some individuals use the word solely to refer to post-conflict or post-war conditions, the vast majority of people use it to refer to any stage of a conflict, regardless of context. Peacebuilding actions that help develop the economy, educate people, care for the sick, assist prisoners, and battle crime and corruption before violence erupts address potential causes of conflict and violence.
This is sometimes referred to as "conflict prevention." Peacebuilding efforts attempt to manage, reduce, resolve, and alter key parts of the conflict through official diplomacy, civil society peace processes, and informal conversation, negotiation, and mediation. In order to avoid the return of structural and direct violence in a war, peacebuilding tackles the economic, social, and political roots of violence and fosters reconciliation. In order to foster stability and peace, peacebuilding efforts aim to change people's ideas, attitudes, and behaviours. Peacebuilding refers to a broad range of interrelated actions aimed at promoting peace.
The national government must own and manage peacebuilding programmes. These must be consistent and tailored to the demands of the country. It is also necessary to have a properly planned and prioritised collection of activities, which should be limited to a minimum.12
When examined and premised in the framework of a comparative weighing of their benefits over global international organizations, the capabilities of the regional international
12 "UNAMSIL: United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone". www.un.org. Retrieved 2016-05-05.
in conflict management can be better appreciated. Regional organisations have no overall record of conflict effectiveness when compared to the UN, however, regional organisations and the UN do have distinct variances in how they handle conflict. In theory, one might expect the same resolution of success and failure as that experienced by UN efforts, and in practise, this may be the conflict, but there are at least two advantages for the regional conflict management organisation that are unique: greater support from the disputants, and a greater ability to influence third-party states (hariri, 2012).
A regional organisation such as the United Nations should be able to achieve greater cohesion among its organisations than a global organisation like the UN because its membership is far more homogenous. It is more likely that states in a regional organisation are developing at about the same level; have comparable cultural and ethnic backgrounds; and have a similar political perspective because they all face similar regional concerns. A general conflict over what all the members have in common is expected to result in fewer conflicts and a reduction in the number of disputes that would obstruct progress. Regional organisations are also not subject to the veto power of prominent members, as is the United Nations. To avoid deadlock, certain regional organisations use procedures.13
The premise of this argument is that a certain geographic area possesses a natural connection with people in that area, and they also harbour a strong bias against outside influence.
13 Mattes, M., & Savun, B. (2009). "Fostering Peace after Civil War: Commitment Problems and Agreement Design". International Studies Quarterly 53(3), 737–759.
Therefore, regional (Arab, African, etc.) solutions to regional conflicts are typically requested before the international community responds. By engaging in a regional negotiation, disputants may accept acts from an organisation, but in addition, it's likely that the conflicting states will view such actions as more legitimate. In contrast to global organizations like the United Nations peacekeeping forces, regional initiatives can garner far greater support.
In general, regional initiatives may be better at resolving conflict than the United Nations, which has typically responded to crises with temporary Band-Aid solutions for issues of security. Before conflicts have been resolved, the UN has generally played a role in negotiating cease-fires and deploying peacekeeping forces. However, the UN has done little to support final peace agreements after the peacekeeping forces are in place. In essence, it discourages diplomacy by international actors, as well as those in the midst of the conflict, from advancing and reaching a settlement, if any conversations do take place (Diehl 2008). Although it might have waited until a peace agreement was in place, the UN has only deployed peacekeepers and carried out peace-building efforts once a peace settlement has been reached. However, a peace agreement might not be in place in time to save hundreds or thousands of lives. The repercussions are far bigger for the states in the area, therefore regional organisations are likely to be more concerned with resolving the underlying conflict.
Thus, they may ensure that resolutions on deploying peacekeeping forces are tied to mechanisms such as negotiations, or to plans for resolving the settlement, such as elections. Through this conflict, we are able to provide hope that regional organisations can work to not just reduce conflict, but also create a lasting resolution. This may be a benefit of regional conflict management initiatives, as third party states are much more likely to support these efforts when compared to participation in the United Nations Security Council. Those with an interest in the conflict are also concerned. It is a better situation for the third party state since it is more likely to influence the operation based on its ideas, and it has a better possibility of obtaining its backing. Importantly, the likelihood of the intervention in the first place being unsuccessful is lower, which has hindered the effectiveness of UN peacekeeping and economic penalties in the past.
Regional organisations' failure to concerted action against its most influential members is common in the analysis of them (Bryon 1984). As direct conflicts with global powers or regional powers are uncommon, regional activities are unlikely to be permitted. Due to a lack of political clout and funds, the organisation has no hope of mounting an operation that is either actively supported or opposed by those states. A powerful regional state would be able to withstand external pressure to assist any given mission, and in addition, the hegemon may help to thwart the mission in a more direct or covert fashion. Strong responses to conflicts occurring within smaller states must remain within the regional boundary.
The Western Hemisphere is the clearest case when it comes to dealing with a hegemon. Nonetheless, the United Nations faces the possibility of difficulty in winning the cooperation of the United States in the case of Panama, such as through the OAS. Despite existing power setups, other regions may have fewer challenges. Regardless, any regional system in Asia will be tasked with dealing with the behavioural differences between the Chinese and Japanese populations. Furthermore, since many southern African regional and regional organisations are unable to persuade South Africa to refrain from transgressions, South Africa's doing things that harm the African people in that part will continue. Of the organisations listed in the preceding paragraph, only the United Nations offers the capacity to constrain a regional power.
Rather than pursue military action in these conflict-prone areas, instead use tactics such as mediation, diplomacy, and well-executed on-the-ground programmes to advocate for peacemaking approaches to international conflict and atrocity prevention in hotspots. It's important to focus on the necessary components, including developing after conflict, supporting democratic procedures, humanitarian relief, and mediation.
A growing share of civil war mediation is carried out by international organisations (IOs). Additional study on peace-brokering IOs has not yet answered all of the questions surrounding the variation amongst organisations, therefore the causes of peace-brokering IOs' efficacy remain poorly understood. The data from this study uses new information on the 13 peace-brokering IOs and information about 109 civil war mediation episodes that was previously unavailable to show how the mediation effectiveness changes depending on the type of organizational structure. I found that when you have operational capability like peacekeeping missions, these kinds of operations outperform other missions because they are effective mediators of civil wars, but when it comes to acquiring intelligence, this does not produce a major advantage.
The results suggest that advance warning of the deployment of peacekeeping and monitoring troops increases collaboration between IOs: the more credible this advance warning, the more effective these forces are at promoting cooperation between IOs. According to the credible commitment theory of conflict resolution, which is reaffirmed in this study, various external guarantors can significantly influence how a civil war is resolved. The study finds that this explains why some IOs succeed in shifting disputants away from violent bargaining strategies, but others fail.
About 1.6 million people die annually as a result of violence. Violence is one of the most common causes of death in the globe among persons in their late teens and early- to mid- twenties. The use of third-party mediation has increased significantly in the last several decades. As mediators, governments continue to hold sway, but the variety and flexibility of international organisations (IOs) has increased, and they now play an important role in resolving contemporary conflicts, particularly in civil war settings. The numbers indicate that IO mediations occurred about four times more frequently in the 1980s than in the 2000s.
There is a greater variety of IO mediators in supply as well. Regionally and sub regionally, groups are more ambitious, as they strive to supply functions similar to those of the UN in mitigating conflict. At the same time, international organisations have improved their capacities by expanding their arsenal of conflict resolution instruments. Within the UN Department of Political Affairs, a Mediation Support Unit and regional centres for analysis and preventative diplomacy were also established, with a budget that has risen six-fold in the previous fifteen years. The similar strategy is used by many other IOs14.
ASEAN has showed interest in mediation and preventative diplomacy, despite its traditional concentration on non-interference. When the usage of mediation continues to climb, new IO mediators are regularly added, and capacities continue to grow, it's natural to wonder if the institutional mobilisation is having any effect. Missing data has hampered institutional evidence on civil war mediation, forcing researchers to create models depicting IOs as uniform and completely static over time, with the result that institutional narratives explaining how variation in organisational capabilities influences outcomes have yet to be published.
Although the abovementioned facts reveal very little about intrastate IO peacemaking, IO design plays a significant role in determining the type of IO used. This study aims to discover how effective mediation is in resolving civil wars, and looks at how institution architecture affects mediation efficacy. Drawing on bargaining theory, the theory of bargaining mechanisms predicts two mechanisms, each with their own advantages and disadvantages, that govern how variation in information architecture design impacts conflict mitigation potential:
14 Bayeh, E. (2014). Theories on the role of International Organizations in maintaining peace and security. International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development, 1(7), 347-350. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/27223889
15 See also the International Committee of the Red Cross commentary on Third 1949 Geneva Convention, Article III, Section "A. Cases of armed conflict" for the ICRC's reading of the definition and a listing of proposed alternative wording
In order to examine these mechanisms, I used panel data on the institutional evolution of 13 peace-brokering IOs after World War II to examine the influence of these mechanisms. By making this institutional information publicly available, this opens up a far larger study universe to investigate the capabilities of IO. Additionally, it gives researchers the ability to study subjects who may be susceptible to sensitivities to IOs, as well as people throughout time, which allows for revealing the precise influence of IOs. Extensive research combined with real-world data show there is a correlation between the overall success of IO mediation and the capacity of the organizations involved. As a result, a larger field mission capacity is importantly associated with better mediation outcomes for both procedural and substantive metrics. My investigation reveals that raising the field mission capability to the highest level causes a 30% rise in the anticipated chance of settlement negotiation. This new study emphasises the critical role that post-settlement assurances play in the resolution of civil wars and, moreover, suggests that this association may exist prior to the start of a civil mediation.
To put it another way, prior to a settlement, external guarantees in the shape of peacekeeping or monitoring forces might affect peace negotiations. Additionally, different types of IO (i.e., IO with robust field mission capabilities) have varying degrees of persuasiveness in changing dispute resolution tactics. Prior research (Savun 2008) don't seem to agree. The single study I found concluded that institutions with significant capacity have comparable effectiveness.
This mediation does not take information supply into consideration, but this does not necessarily mean that information provision cannot serve as a causal mechanism. Relevant information may be acquired face-to-face rather than through government bureaucracy.16
16 Kleinfeld, Rachel; Barham, Elena (2018). "Complicit States and the Governing Strategy of Privilege Violence: When Weakness is Not the Problem". Annual Review of Political Science. 21: 215–238. doi:10.1146/annurev- polisci-041916-015628.
This finding is in line with the claim that war acts to remedy information asymmetries, with combat ultimately taking precedence over information imbalances as a conflict advances. Also clear is the impact of the choosing. I used a Heckman selection model to find out which 1,170 civil war years were influenced by IOs in order to resolve disputes. I found that IOs tended to choose the more difficult years. This is consistent with previous findings that show IO mediation tends to favour complicated cases and peacekeeping. For the most part, the findings hold up regardless of any selection biases. Firm generalisation is restricted to civil wars that often obtain IO mediation. The overall goal of the study is to investigate the effects of institutional design on IO mediation results during civil war. The findings verify the benefit of intermixing the literature on IOs and conflict resolution, which could introduce significant measurement bias.
Countries and international organisations at the recent Kuwait International Conference on Reconstruction of Iraq donated US $30 billion to rebuild Iraq, which had been in a state of constant war for years. Despite efforts by the Iraqi government to raise nearly $80 billion to rebuild the country, this sum fell short.
Iraq is only one of the long- term repercussions that result from civil wars. The reason why the worldwide response to a civil war is greater once the fight has completed than in the beginning stages is because afterwards the world comes together in an effort to end the conflict.
Wars that are currently being fought are an example of this tragic cycle. Since March 2018, it is estimated that the ongoing civil war in Syria has likely claimed over 500,000 lives and left permanent health effects for the public systems. A recent examination of the violence in Yemen shows that there is little chance for a rapid resolution in the near future. Consequences of violent conflicts that occur elsewhere are no less catastrophic. Despite these great changes, it remains a major problem for the international community to find effective responses to new political violence.
A large amount of studies has proven how tough it is to put an end to violence once it begins. The UN occasionally takes involved in preventive diplomacy in violent conflicts, although it does not do so in all situations. There is also evidence that UN peacekeepers can decrease both civilian and military casualties in a given area, therefore potentially contributing to the containment of future civil wars. In other words, research conducted only a short time ago found that the duration of civil wars had dramatically increased, with a considerable cost to both human life and civilization. Many governments and rebel forces have found that the involvement of the international community has hampered their ability to respond to political violence, giving rebel groups and governments more freedom to use force to attain their aims. Lack of involvement by outside players frequently contributes to why conflicts persist.
Although civil wars are still possible, there are ways that the international community may help to stop them before they begin. Intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) have shown in the past that they have the potential and motivation to form alliances with members who are participating in pre-conflict peace talks with the express goal of alleviating uncertainty. World banks, regional development banks, and other international organisations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have very organised organisational structures. These organisations have distinct mandates that can be easily identified as multilateral organisations. As far as political organisations' mandates are concerned, the occurrence of civil wars in member countries impairs their ability to carry out their missions. Funding organisations such as this possess a powerful means of promoting political motivation to cease violence inside member countries due to the inherent motivation that funding provides to members.
This increased power IGOs in member countries have on governments and rebels in the early stages of political upheaval and violence results in increased costs and benefits for governments and rebels before civil wars erupt. Sometimes, when highly organised humanitarian organisations have to evacuate from a country, it worsens violence and motivates humanitarian organisations to withdraw. Large resources and benefits are granted as a reward for maintaining lasting peace, but only if the conflict has been permanently settled.
Given the high levels of inter-governmental conflicts in countries with many links to well- structured IGOs, the likelihood of escalation was much lower. Structured IGOs are in a unique position to credibly pledge to providing benefits only if they endeavour to avoid conflict. Staying away from unstable situations is beneficial for a violent institution's interests. Governments and rebel groups bargaining for the beginning of pre-civil war violence are acutely aware of the huge financial and physical costs of warfare when highly structured IGOs engage in a nation. This enables a crucial conflict-resolution tool to be developed ahead of time.
When member nations use highly organised IGOs, civil conflicts are less likely. There have been almost 260 separate armed wars that have ended in civil war since World War Even conflicts in nations with highly organised IGOs were less likely to escalate, as evidenced by a risk reduction of nearly half.
This description of East Timor's attempts to promote peace and compromise by encouraging conflict parties to speak and settle political differences exemplifies how international organisations may effectively urge conflict parties to resolve disputes before they escalate. When the East Timorese opposition became proponents of independence in the late 1990s, Indonesia faced a serious dilemma. Although the Indonesian government received heavy criticism when international organisations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank placed sanctions on the country, that was the scenario at the time. Rather of reacting to international pressure, the dictatorship caved in to these IGOs' demands and declared East Timor's independence with the assistance of a compromise on both sides, civil war was avoided. The promises IGOs made before to restructuring of their prior initiatives began. An important part of this can be attributed to the availability of IGO resources, such as those from highly organised IGOs that have enabled significant improvements in Indonesia and East Timor's economy.17
Additionally, highly organised IGOs were unable to motivate conflict parties in Syria in 2011 to utilise similar incentives. International organisations such as the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank, as well as many other entities, worked to marginalise the Syrian government.
17 Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson. 2005. "Institutions as a fundamental cause of long-run growth". Handbook of Economic Growth 1: 385–472.
If the administration had free rein to expand its response to the opposition, the international community has few options. Instead, the regime launched a large-scale military operation. This prompted the opposition to arm themselves and become a dissident faction. International efforts to negotiate and bring about a resolution to the civil conflict have been unsuccessful, owing to issues of commitment.
By allowing highly organised IGOs greater freedom in how they manage member state disputes, international organisations may be able to reduce the astronomically high costs of military wars like the ones presently raging in Syria and Yemen. IGOs can also assist in resolving international issues. Because of the examples offered by the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, and Economic Community of West African States, IGOs are becoming increasingly worried about the destructive impact of violence on their missions. Coordination of these initiatives may allow for the development of further international conflict resolution instruments.
The following is a list of all known civil wars, which are conflicts between organised factions in the same country or state. A civil war is a fight that occurs outside of a single state between organised factions. Internecine conflicts, on the other hand, are battles fought within a single state, whether or not civil troops are involved. As a result, each internecine battle is basically a succession struggle, albeit it need not be a civil war.Since 1945, "civil war" has come to be understood as a larger scale military conflict that occurs within a single country (synonymous to the general word "internecine war"), with which insurgencies and coups d'état have an overlapping usage.
The formation of international institutions is one of the most commendable endeavors ever made toward the accomplishment of world peace in the human race's history, and it should be commended. Despite possessing many elements of the liberal ideal, it has failed to fulfil its objective of creating the world community a more peaceful place.
Several projects have been launched in order to establish an institution that can act as a worldwide catalyst for collaboration, integrate its members, and encourage cooperation throughout the community. Until recently, the United Nations has been the most well- known organization in the world for gathering research and information (UN). However, other highly important institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the Group of Twenty (G20), and others, help to make the world more peaceful by fostering economic stability, collaboration, and prosperity in the global south.
The IMF, World Bank, G20, and others are among those represented. International relations are eventually formed. However, for the sake of this brief study, the United Nations will be the primary focus of this essay. According to the United Nations' current membership count of 192 countries, it is associated with every sovereign country on the globe, making it the most extensively represented institution under consideration. (From Archer) (2001: 25) Term definitions The objective of this article is to look at two distinct situations in which the United Nations has achieved or failed to achieve its goal of fostering peace in diverse parts of the world. The first example is the Mozambique civil war, which prompted the United Nations to intervene and send the ONUMOZ mission there in October 1992. This case illustrates how the United Nations' assistance in Mozambique was unprecedented in scale and was critical to the country's creation of peace.18
Furthermore, as mentioned by the author, "institutions foster conversation and learning among nations, allowing them to reconsider their security goals and behavior, and start on joint initiatives." The second case, on the other hand, will be that of Israel and the Middle East situation, including its position within the UN, where it is accused of human rights violations and crimes against humanity in the course of its treatment of Palestinian civilians and citizens in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This exemplifies the various ways in which the United Nations has failed to bring peace to conflict-torn parts of the Middle East. Furthermore, the paper will use a critical examination and evaluation of these examples to try to understand why and how the UN has failed in its desire to create a peaceful world, as well as its “fundamental deficiency” in being able to carry out predictably on its core mission: to save successive generations from the scourge of war. 2003.19
18 Weinstein, Jeremy M. 2005. "Autonomous Recovery and International Intervention in Comparative Perspective." Center for Global Development Working Paper https://www.cgdev.org/files/2731_file_WP57.pdf
19 Boehmer, C., Gartzke E., & Nordstrom T. (2004). Do Intergovernmental Organizations promote peace? World Politics, 57(1), 1-38. Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/article/185501/pdf
Traditional methods give widely diverse interpretations of IGOs, in part because they focus different emphasis on different aspects of this complicated causal process. We utilise bargaining theory to create a middle ground between opposing statements from realists and liberals that will serve as a guide for others.
We will use simple formal models to show how various forms of third-party involvement are likely to be beneficial. IGOs can help create peace, but only if they work in collaboration with well-structured and highly organized groups. Following a description of the bargaining argument, we look at the fundamental framework to see how we might decrease the chance of conflicts as much as feasible. When developing more complex three-actor models, we believe it is more beneficial to first identify which third- party actions may have the biggest impact on the competitiveness of two states. We want to know which international NGOs (also known as IGOs, short for international non- governmental organisations) are the most effective in influencing conflict behaviour20.
We argue that intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) will have the most influence on dispute behaviour in a restricted number of ways relating to their mandate, member cohesiveness, and institutional structure, among other factors. The resultant theory has a number of empirical consequences, some of which are outside the focus of this work. Despite this, our experiments corroborate the hypothesis while also bringing current alternatives into doubt. We want to expand our grasp of the idea through future study.
Jackson, Richard (28 March 2014). "Towards an Understanding of Contemporary Intrastate War". Government and Opposition. 42 (1): 121–128. doi:10.1111/j.1477-
7053.2007.00215_1.x. hdl:2160/1963. Retrieved 5 January 2017.
20Howard Wolpe- Making peace after genocide Anatomy of the Burundi Process
James Fearon, "Iraq's Civil War"Archived 2007-03-17 at the Wayback Machinein Foreign Affairs, March/April 2007. For further discussion on civil war classification, see the section "Formal classification".
"Civil Wars and Foreign Powers: Outside Intervention in Intrastate Conflict". Foreign Affairs (July/August 2000). 2009-01-28.
Final Record of the Diplomatic Conference of Geneva of 1949, (Volume IIB, p. 121)
Fortna, V. Page (Virginia (2008). Does peacekeeping work? shaping belligerents' choices after civil war. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691136714. OCLC 785583130.
Fostering International Peace – Statement Of Purpose By The Peace Alliance https://peacealliance.org/internationalpeacekeeping/#collapse_0_empowering-
Bara, Corinne; Hultman, Lisa (2020-03-20). "Just Different Hats? Comparing UN and Non-UN Peacekeeping". International Peacekeeping. 0 (3): 341–368.
doi:10.1080/13533312.2020.1737023. ISSN 1353-3312.
Duffey, Tamara (2000). "Cultural Issues in Contemporary Peacekeeping". International Peacekeeping. 7 (1): 146–147. doi:10.1080/13533310008413823. S2CID 145210823.
Fortna, Virginia (2008). Does Peacekeeping Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choice after the Civil War. Princeton University Press.
"UNAMSIL: United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone". www.un.org. Retrieved 2016- 05-05.
Mattes, M., & Savun, B. (2009). "Fostering Peace after Civil War: Commitment Problems and Agreement Design". International Studies Quarterly 53(3), 737–759.
Bayeh, E. (2014). Theories on the role of International Organizations in maintaining peace and security. International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and
Development, 1(7), 347-350. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/27223889
See also the International Committee of the Red Cross commentary on Third 1949 Geneva Convention, Article III, Section "A. Cases of armed conflict" for the ICRC's reading of the definition and a listing of proposed alternative wording
Kleinfeld, Rachel; Barham, Elena (2018). "Complicit States and the Governing Strategy of Privilege Violence: When Weakness is Not the Problem". Annual Review of Political Science. 21: 215–238. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-041916-015628.
Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson. 2005. "Institutions as a fundamental cause of long-run growth". Handbook of Economic Growth 1: 385–472.
Weinstein, Jeremy M. 2005. "Autonomous Recovery and International Intervention in Comparative Perspective." Center for Global Development Working Paper https://www.cgdev.org/files/2731_file_WP57.pdf
Boehmer, C., Gartzke E., & Nordstrom T. (2004). Do Intergovernmental Organizations promote peace? World Politics, 57(1), 1-38. Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/article/185501/pdf
Howard Wolpe - Making peace after genocide Anatomy of the Burundi Process https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PW_Burundi.pdf